An Anthropological Linguistic Study: Cultural Factors of the Color Lexicon Formation in the Madurese Language

. Language as a signifier of cultural identity can be seen from the use of its lexicon, one of which is the color lexicon. This study aimed to examine the cultural factors of the formation of the color lexicon in the Madurese language using an anthropological linguistic approach. This research was qualitative descriptive with ethnographic methods and ethnoscience analysis models in order to find cultural themes. The results showed that the color lexicon in the Sumenep dialect of Madurese language was formed due to four cultural factors, including 1) the closeness of the Madurese community to nature, (2) the livelihoods of the Madurese community, (3) the Islamic spirituality of the Madurese community, and (4) the traditions of the Madurese community. These four factors prove that humans tend to borrow or refer to objects that are often found around them to describe a specific color.


Introduction
The easiest way to understand a culture is through language. Language also occupies a remarkably crucial place in the cultural aspect because it functions as the most important means of inheriting, developing, and disseminating culture. [1]. Language as a signifier of cultural identity can be seen either from the use of accents, vocabulary, and patterns of discourse that are expressed through the language. Therefore, between one community and another, cultural characteristics can be distinguished through the use of language in everyday life. One example of the use of language that can reflect the cultural identity of a society is in the color lexicon classification.
The color lexicon will directly shape the attitudes and preferences of the speakers. Each color gives its own impression since the color is affected by the nature around the speaker and the experience of events that have been encountered before [2]. In other words, every region that has a different culture or language will have a different color lexicon. This is also strengthened by Masinawbow's statement [3] that each lexeme in a language is a representation of a unit of cultural knowledge which is referred to as a cultural concept.
The language possessed by a person in a society is the result of knowledge or cognition of the surrounding environment. The Eskimos in their polar habitats have an abundance of color names with attributes of ice and * Corresponding author: nurulfadilah@unibamadura.ac.id snow, desert dwellers have a large repertoire of color names in the yellow to brown color range close to the color of sand, and the Maoris of New Zealand have more than a hundred color names for red and a large repertoire of plant colors. The results of the research are in accordance with Sapir's view [4] which stated that an analysis of the vocabulary of a language is highly important to reveal the physical and social environment in which speakers of the language live. In other words, the formation of vocabulary in a language can be influenced by the region and environment of the speaker.
On Madura Island, especially in Sumenep Regency, the use of color vocabulary in the Madurese language is starting to be ignored and replaced by other languages, particularly for the Millennials. For example, in everyday life, most people prefer to use pink in English instead of ennyat, which is the native language. It is undeniable that this language shift is also more or less affected by the mobility of immigrants from outside Madura, who find it easier to enter Madura Island, or the Madurese themselves who migrate out. If this condition is continuously ignored, it will have a long-term impact in the form of the loss of the color lexicon in the Madurese language for future generations. To overcome this issue, further analysis is required, starting from understanding the history of the formation of the color lexicon to classifying the color lexicon in the Madurese language.
This study aimed to examine the factors in the formation of color vocabulary in the Madurese language. Therefore, this study used a language and culture approach or commonly referred to as an anthropological linguistic approach. According to Foley [5], anthropological linguistics is a subfield of linguistics that positions language in a social and cultural context. Anthropological linguistics views language from the perspective of an anthropological concept, which is culture. Moreover, anthropological linguistics aims to find the "cultural meaning" behind the use of language.
This study is expected to add to the cultural heritage of the Madurese community to understand the history of the formation of the color lexicon in their local language. Furthermore, this study is also expected to provide more knowledge about the classification of the color lexicon in the Madurese language so that it can be a way to maintain the Madurese language itself.

Research Method
This research type was qualitative descriptive with ethnographic methods and ethnoscience analysis models. The ethnographic method was used to describe a culture [6], while ethnoscience analysis was used to find cultural themes in the forming factors of color names in the Madurese language.
To obtain completeness and in-depth data, the author used the purposive sampling technique. The data were taken from the color vocabulary in the Madurese dialect of Sumenep which was obtained from the informant by showing 139 color cards from the standard color names on the web. Furthermore, the data source was from eighteen informants with various professions who speak the Madurese dialect of Sumenep using the snowball sampling technique.
Data collection was carried out using the listening and speaking methods. The observation method was applied with tapping techniques and conversational engagement listening techniques to observe events in the field. Further, the speaking method or interviews were carried out using a fishing rod technique in the form of a list of questions and advanced techniques in the form of face-to-face conversation techniques, specifically direct, verbal, and face-to-face interviews with informants.

Results and Discussion
The emergence of color lexicon forms in the Madurese language in the Sumenep Regency did not occur by a chance. The form of the lexicon can be influenced by several factors. In this case, these factors are divided into 4 parts, including geographical, social, spiritual, and tradition factors.  The influence of geographical location makes the Madurese community very close to nature. For those who live on the coast, the sea is like theirs because in their daily life they are abhântal ombâ' asapo' angѐn 'cushioned by waves covered in the wind'. Likewise, for those who live far from the sea and choose to cultivate crops. Farming is not only about planting, but also returning to the Almighty. In other words, the philosophy of planting is being grateful for what God has given by utilizing, caring for, and returning the results to the Almighty.
The closeness of the Madurese community to nature also adds to their knowledge systems, such as astrology for fishing, climate science for farming, and the use of the color lexicon in everyday life. Of the 205 color lingual units found by the author in the field, there are 88 names of colors that have natural attributes or are metaphorical with nature, including the names of fruits, flowers, trees, vegetables, grains, spices, leaves, and objects of the natural environment, such as (1) color lexicon with fruit attribute in the phrase konѐng kraè 'peach coloured, (2) color lexicon with flower attribute in the phrase mѐra nojeh 'marvel of peru red', (3) color lexicon with tree attribute in the phrase sokklat jhâteh 'teak brown', (4) color lexicon with vegetable attribute in the phrase bungo terong 'eggplant purple', (5) color lexicon with grains attribute in the phrase mѐra jhâgung 'corn red', (6) color lexicon with spices attribute in the phrase konѐng temolabâk 'curcuma yellow', (7) color lexicon with leaves attribute in the phrase potѐ bhâkoh 'snuff white', also (8) color lexicon with objects of the natural environment attribute in the phrase potѐ kapor 'limestone white', sokklat tana 'sandy brown', bhiru laot 'aqua', and mѐra arѐ 'sun red'. In addition, there are also color lexicons that do not use color elements, but are used as metaphors for spices, such as konyѐ' bucco' 'rotten tumeric' and fruit, such as sabu matta 'raw brown'.
The dominance of the color lexicon with natural attributes in the Madurese language certainly does not just happen. The Madurese community understands their world through what is around them [7]. One of them is through plants or nature that exist and live around them. Madurese people like bright or flashy colors because they are related and oriented to nature. Therefore, the emergence of the color lexicon related to nature is due to the Madurese living geographically close to nature and their philosophy of life firmly adhering to nature. Even, there is a color lexicon called as bhiru alam 'nature green' to describe green colors like the colors of the plants around them. In addition, color lexicon bu-abu busok 'gray of busok cat fur' will not be understood by people outside Madura Island because the busok cat is a typical Sumenep cat, precisely from Raas Island. In other words, the appearance of the color lexicon can refer to things that are closest to where they live or geographical location. According to Yunyu [8], The first and most essential way humans describe a color is by borrowing objects from their surroundings to form a specific color. Therefore, in addition to geographical proximity, daily human activities can also affect the formation of color names.

The Livelihoods of The Madurese Community
Since the first, the main livelihood of the Madurese community has been farming. However, because the rainfall on Madura Island is not too high and the land is barren, the Madurese community need to look for other livelihoods when entering the dry season, such as raising livestock. Then, as a community that gets the title as a tribe descendant of the ruler of the sea [9] because it is very close to the sea, then another livelihood that the Madurese occupies is fishing, especially for those who live in coastal areas. Life at sea as revealed in one of the local traditional songs entitled Tandhu' Majâng, has historical roots in the existence of the ancestors of the Madurese islanders [10].
Furthermore, another livelihood that the Madurese occupies is trading. Usually, they sell anything from the culinary field to property. In addition, another livelihood that is also widely occupied by Madurese is being a teacher. This is because one of the principles of Madurese life is ialah bhuppa' bhâbbu' ghuru rato 'father, mother, teacher, God'. In addition to obeying God and parents, Madurese people are obliged to obey teachers. Teaching is considered a very noble and honorable profession so that many parents flock to want to make their children as educators. Apart from the livelihoods above, now the Madurese continue to explore themselves so that many pursue other professions according to their interests and expertise.
Apart from being a means to provide for themselves and their families, it turns out that the livelihoods that the Madurese people in Sumenep also impact the shape of the color lexicon used in everyday life. This is evident from the lexicon used by the informants when naming colors which also reflect the environment or profession being occupied. For example, informant 3 who works as a farmer. Of the 26 color lexicons that have been successfully mentioned, there are 6 color lexicon related to the plants planted by the farmer and the lexicon was not found in other informants,such as mèra jhâghung 'corn red', bhiru arta' 'mug beans green', bhiru rantѐh 'tomato green', potè bhâkoh 'snuff white', konѐng jhâghung 'corn yellow', and celleng bhâkoh 'snuff black'.
Furthermore, informant 6 who works as a batik entrepreneur and batik maker. Of the 26 color lexicons mentioned, there are 2 lexicons related to things used in the world of batik, such as bhiru alam 'nature green' because the natural coloring process of batik takes materials from nature, such as leaves from ketapang leaves, tarum leaves, and others, so the lexicon is very familiar among batik makers. In addition, it was also found sokklat mahoni 'mahagony brown' was caused by the natural coloring of batik to create a dark brown color using mahogany tree bark.
Then, to informant 10 who works as a housewife. Of the 58 color lexicons mentioned there are 9 lexicons related to the informants' daily activities as housewives. For example, bhiru SMP 'middle school bottom blue' namely the blue color inspired by the color of the skirts or pants of junior high school students. In this section, it is interpreted that the junior high school uniform color bhiru SMP appears because the informant often has interactions with school uniforms, such as washing, ironing, or often seeing the uniforms worn by other family members considering that the informant is in the same house with the children (grandchildren) who are in school. In addition, also found color lexicon konèng jherruk 'orange yellow' and konèng wortel 'carrot yellow' which is often used to make food or drinks at home. Next, from those 10 color lexicons remaining 6 lexicons with attribute tomang 'furnace' dan abu 'ash' on color bhiru abu tomang 'furnace ash blue', abu towa 'dark ash', abu ngodâ 'light ash', abu tomang ngodâ 'light furnace ash', and bu-abu tomang 'furnace gray'.
The use of attribute tomang 'furnace' dan abu 'ash' on those lexicons influenced by the habit of informants who still use the stove for cooking so that the stove and wood burning ashes have a high intensity to be seen every day.
Next, informant 18 who works as a bridal make-up. Of the 45 color lexicons mentioned, there are 5 lexicons related to the standard color in make-up, namely mèra kalompang 'magenta' to mention the color of a girl's cheeks that have been decorated with blush, mèra sèrè 'betel red' is a standard for blush color, mèra cabbi 'chili red' is a standard for lipstick color, bhiru sennam 'sour leaves green' is a standard for the color of the accessories used in traditional wedding outfits leghâ, and konèng gading 'ivory' as a standard for eye shadow makeup color on traditional brides of the past.
From the explanation above, it can be concluded that the appearance of the color lexicon also refers to the profession or livelihood of the informants. This is because each informant characterizes the color lexicon mentioned to reflect what is being occupied in their daily lives. In carrying out their Islam, the Madurese community itself is an ethnic group that holds a paternalistic culture, namely the obedience of student to the spiritual teacher who has crystallized and has become an effort in the habits of daily life which is practiced consistently and continuously both during his stay at the boarding school, and after returning to society [11]. As stated in the previous factor, if the Madurese hold the principle of bhuppa' bhâbbu' ghuru rato 'father, mother, teacher, God', then the position of the teacher in question, apart from being an educator in a school, is also a cleric or spiritual teacher in a boarding school.

The Islamic Spirituality of The Madurese Community
For the Madurese, the existence of religion is a tool to balance life. This is also reflected in the words of the Madurese, namely abhântal sadek pajung Allah sapo' iman sanding rasulullah 'bearing the shahada, taking the umbrella of Allah, shrouded in faith, holding fast to the Messenger of Allah'. Thus, the foundation of Madurese life is their religion, namely by always believing in Allah and the Messenger so that their lives are always blessed and balanced because they do not only think about world affairs. Furthermore, to facilitate their Islam, Madurese generally follows Islamic organizations, for example Muhammadyah dan Nadlatul Ulama (NU) [9].
Besides being a foundation and way of life, the spiritual function of Islam also impacts the formation of a color lexicon in the Madurese language. This is evidenced by informant 8. Of the 36 color lexicons mentioned, there is 1 lexicon that relates to the spiritual side of the Madurese, namely bhiru patayat 'fatayat green'. Fatayat is part of the Nadlatul Ulama (NU) organization that focuses on empowering women. The purpose of the establishment of the Fatayat NU organization is not only to improve the education of young women, especially the lower layers or students, but also to want women to have the ability to speak in public spaces [12]. The appearance of the Fatayat organization's attributes in the name of the color in the Madurese language also reminds us that most of the Madurese people are members of the Nadlatul Ulama (NU) organization. In fact, there is an anecdote that appears that when Madurese are asked about their religion, they will answer NU's religion. This is not without reason, but because NU has been able to thrive on the island of Madura since its inception. The growth of NU on the island of Madura is inseparable from the role of the founder and pioneer of NU, one of which is Sheikh KH. Muhammad Khalil bin Abdul Latif or called Mbah Kholil from Bangkalan who led to the firm foundation of the establishment of NU in the salt land. In addition, most of the kiai who co-founded NU on the island of Madura have also studied with Mbah Kholil.
Furthermore, color lexicon data related to the spiritual side of the Madurese community in Sumenep was also found in informant 10. Of the 58 color lexicons mentioned, there is 1 lexicon associated with the Islamic spirituality of the Madurese community in Kab. Sumenep, namely potѐ sora 'asyura porridge white' or white color inspired by the color of the porridge which is always made to commemorate the tenth day of the month of Muharram in the hijriyah calendar. For the Madurese in Sumenep, the month of Sora means holy as a symbol of humans equipped with the nature of holiness or human potential to do good, so it is symbolized by the color white [13]. In addition, asyura porridge is also made to celebrate the 10th of Muharram, among others, to commemorate the death of Husayn (the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad SAW) in the war of Karbala [9].
Then, for informant 6 who managed to mention 26 color lexicons, there is 1 lexicon which also describes the spiritual side of the Madurese community in Sumenep, namely celleng songko' 'black cap'. "...the Madurese have Islamic religious characteristics, apart from being determined by morals, they are also marked by hooded and gloved. In addition, Buya Hamka in one of his books wrote: "When on November 25, 1959, I had the opportunity to revisit Madura, after the first pilgrimage 25 years ago (1934) it appears that there are still many traditions that have been instilled in Islam since the maritime era. dismantled by modern traditions of Western influence which in other areas have faded a lot. For example, not wearing a cap or skullcap if you pray in the mosque will still be severely reprimanded..." [14]. The cap or skullcap symbolizes religiosity for the Madurese and illustrates how they always carry faith in the Creator. Therefore, apart from being used for worship, the cap is also used for other activities, such as when working, attending traditional rituals (such as weddings and death), even when not doing anything at home, the cap is still used. Thus, using attributes related to the spiritual side of the Madurese people in their daily life can affect the formation of the color lexicon used by speakers. In addition to the 3 factors above, the formation of the color lexicon in the Madurese language is also influenced by the traditions that are firmly held by the local community. Tradition is a hereditary custom (from ancestors) that is still carried out in society. The Madurese community is a society that entirely adheres to the traditions of their ancestors. This can be seen from how they build house models, treat animals, and hold the ca'-oca'an principle in their daily lives.

The Traditions of The Madurese Community
The elements of tradition are found in the color lexicon in Madurese society, for example in the color lexicon sokklat sapѐ 'cow brown' and bhiru calattong 'cow dung green'. A cow for the Madurese has the same meaning as the cow for the Javanese: a symbol of strength and prosperity [15]. Usually, farmers in Madura, apart from farming, also raise cows, either their own or someone else's. Cows are not only used to plow fields or are traded; they are also used as savings to anticipate difficult times. In addition, the Madurese can show their status or social class through the number of cows they have. This is because the price of cows is not cheap so people who can afford to buy a lot of cows are considered wealthy people.
The Madurese treat cows like family members. Cows are life, even the cowshed is placed close to the owner's house, for example near the kitchen and in front of the house. A Madurese man's love for his cows raises a statement in a society that Madurese men love cows more than their wives. This statement shows how highly esteemed cows are for the Madurese community.
Another element of tradition found in the color lexicon in Madurese society is the lexicon of mèra dubbâng 'saliva red'. From ancient times, the Madurese, especially the elderly in rural areas, have liked amina 'consume whiting'. Mina consists of lime, gambier, and areca nut. Furthermore, the ingredients are wrapped in betel leaves and chewed until they cause a red color in the area of the teeth and mouth. Based on research conducted in England on immigrants from South Asia who chewed betel nut, it was found that they chewed betel nut because it gave a refreshing taste, as a snack, helps relieve stress, and is believed to strengthen teeth and gums [16]. Furthermore, besides being useful in the medical world, the Madurese in Sumenep has a basic philosophy about eating whiting which is closely related to life through the utterance of sè ngakan kaporra sè ba'ang 'those who eat the lime will taste its bitterness'. Therefore, the good and bad of humans will return to themselves. So, the use of attributes related to the habits of the Madurese in Sumenep in his daily life can influence the formation of the color lexicon used by speakers.

Conclusions
Language as a signifier of cultural identity can be seen from the use of its lexicon, one of which is the color lexicon. The form of the color lexicon will directly shape the attitudes and preferences of the speaker. Color is not only a symbol of beauty but also a representation of people's views of life, beliefs, and culture.
The formation of the color lexicon in the Madurese language is influenced by several factors, including (1) the closeness of the Madurese community to nature, (2) the livelihoods of the Madurese community, (3) the Islamic spirituality of the Madurese community, and (4) the traditions of the Madurese community. These four factors prove that humans tend to borrow or refer to objects that are often found around them to describe a specific color. Furthermore, the language possessed by a person is the result of cognition. The cognitive system is a culture that consists of knowledge, beliefs, and values that are in the minds of individual members of society. Thereby, besides the area and livelihoods, the formation of color naming can also be influenced by the traditions and spiritual beliefs of the speech community.