Church and Gospel Teachers in Minahasa

. This research aims to historically explain the general situation of Dutch colonialism in the early twentieth century in Minahasa. Research also describes the motivation and purpose of forming the Pangkal Setia organization by zending teachers in the early twentieth century. It explains the results of the struggle obtained by the zending teachers through the Pangkal Setia organization in the early twentieth century in Tomohon. According to Marc Bloch (1988), this research uses the historical method, which consists of 4 (four) stages, namely problem formulation and historical observation; data collection is implemented by studying documents: archives, books, magazines, newspapers, and research results earlier. The data from archives and other sources are historically critiqued and interpreted into facts, then assembled into historical stories of the events studied. The study results concluded that the Nederlandsche Zendelingen Genootschape -NZG (Gospel Preaching Agency) carries out its mission in Indonesia. It also seeks education through opening schools for the community in its working area. The NZG applied the same task in Minahasa and later produced two groups of educated people, called 'Congregational Teachers and Gospel Teachers'. However, in carrying out their church ministry duties, they were distinguished when they served during the Indische Kerk (Dutch colonial government church) in Minahasa.


Introduction
One of the NZG evangelism process results was the birth of the Congregational and gospel teachers. They then worked under the authority of the Indische Kerk (the Dutch colonial church), which took over the duties of the NZG in the second half of the nineteenth century in Minahasa. With various discriminatory treatments between these two groups by the Indische Kerk and the Dutch colonial government. Congregational teachers are Minahasa people who were educated at the Zendeling house. with a 'student or foster child system,' to assist missionaries as teachers in their schools and concurrently as church leaders at their place of assignment, while the 'Gospel Teachers', also initially from the same informal education process as 'Guru Jamaat.' Still, they get the task of helping to spread the gospel because they are called "Guru Gospels" or "Gospel Helpers." In addition, the Minahasa people are called 'penulung' or 'introduction' of the gospel [1]. The developments that occurred from the implementation of church and school ministry work from the exponents of these two positions in the Protestant church in Minahasa, both during the NZG and Indische Kerk times, are described and discussed successively in subsections (a) evangelism in Minahasa, (b) Teachers Congregation and Gospel Teachers in the NZG Age, and * Corresponding author : darmawanediwinoto@unima.ac.id (c) the Existence of Congregational Teachers and Gospel Teachers in the Indische Kerk era in Minahasa.

Research Methods
Marc Bloch (1988) with research steps: (1) Formulation of research problems and historical observations, carried out by studying archives or oral testimony. (interview). This step is accomplished based on the research problem that has been formulated so that this study used archives, books, and relevant research results. (2) Criticism or data testing is made by comparing the information obtained from data sources (archives, contents of books, magazines, newspapers, and research) related to "evangelism and zending education in the nineteenth century in Minahasa. (3) Historical analysis, grouping the collected data using (a) generalization or (b) categorization. Researchers employ this strategy based on concepts that become "building materials" for hypotheses or concepts identified as the basis for understanding facts. (4) Explanation, researchers carry out this stage by looking for the causes and effects of the problem under study [2]. Which is the cause of the difference in treatment of Jama'at teachers and gospel teachers during the Indidsche Kerk period in Minahasa. According to Christopher Lloyd (Lloyd, 1993; Leirissa, 1999), the approach is structural in historical research to see the differences that occur. [3] 3 Results and Discussion

Church Teachers and Gospel Teachers in NZG times
From Zending 's efforts in the field of education, a church teacher was born who is a graduate of Kweekschool and has the status of a Zending school teacher and congregation teacher. Meanwhile, graduates of the course, and later STOVIL, took up positions as "gospel writers" or "gospel teachers" in evangelistic efforts in Minahasa. Zendeling needs these two groups of educated Minahasa people in the interests of the ministry of schools, congregations, and gospel ministry, which has developed in Minahasa [4]. However, although these two groups are the same in helping the church's work, they are different in their operational tasks [5]. This is because the zending teacher has a dual job as an educator at school and concurrently as a church teacher at his place of duty [6]. In contrast, the gospel teacher is only tasked with assisting the pastor in evangelizing efforts, namely preparing the congregation and the program when the pastor wants to visit the congregations [7].
They were educating workers who could work independently and responsibly at that time. Because, according to the assumptions and ideas of the missionaries, they were the only ones capable of carrying out the work of evangelism during the transitional period of Christianity in Minahasa (Müller-Krüger, 1966; van den End and J. Weitjens, 1999; Suak, 1992) [8]. Therefore, the equality of the natives with them in the ministry of baptism and holy communion cannot be entrusted to the Minahasa people.
Likewise, because of the standard structure of the church, it does not yet exist to be applied in congregations. Therefore, Zendeling, in carrying out his duties, determines his way so that the congregation he serves can live and develop [9]. An example of how they worked, namely JG Schwarz in Kakas and Remboken in 1850 and Ulfers in Kumelembuai in 1854, who sought the formation of church assemblies to organize ministry tasks in the congregations served [10]. Riedel sought to form 'village' groups to do each other, foster and attract other non-Christian people to their respective villages. Likewise, JAT Schwarz in Sonder, in 1873, attempted to establish a classic by convening several congregations in his working resort [11]. The question is, why is there no uniformity in church ministry? The answer is that because most of them come from a 'pieti' background, then the issue of church organization is not interesting to pay attention to [12]. What is more important is the repentance and spiritual life of those who have been Christians. Therefore, in resorts, because they are leaders, the ' helpers ' and church teachers are considered subordinates who work under their supervision (Sj Runia, 1967; Taulu (tt) [13]. Pietism was a pietism movement in the Protestant church in Germany in the 17th century. The purpose of its founder, PJ Spener, was to restore the faith of German Protestants who had become tepid under the impact of the Enlightenment mentality and chilly teachings. This movement then encouraged the establishment of evangelistic institutions worldwide so that in the 19th century, evangelism activities spread worldwide [14]. a form of hierarchical church government. Due to how Zendeling works, there has not been a framework that congregations can use as a reference for maturity. n. In addition, for decades, Zending had to bear the burden of financing the congregations in Minahasa [15].
The maturity that is supposed to be formed in the congregation's life through the educational results of Zending is unable to play a significant role. The orientation and operation of Zendeling are already a priori tailored to the locals' skills. Furthermore, the congregation members are not moved by their potential to take responsibility for the life of the church or congregation in their respective regions-finally, the duties and responsibilities of the churches. Zending's evangelism, the duties, and responsibilities of the churches had to be transferred to the government and the Indische Kerk at the end of the 19th century for financial reasons. The reason for the surrender of the Christian congregations in Minahasa was financial problems to continue and continue the schools and congregations resulting from the evangelism, which was already experiencing rapid development at that time. At that time, a Zending Institute from England offered to replace zending (NZG) in Minahasa. Nonetheless, the Dutch East Indies colonial authority did not appreciate this approach because Minahasa was so economically significant [16].
Due to the Dutch government's reason, the Christian congregations in Minahasa left it to the Indonesian Protestant Church (Indische Kerk). At that time (1882), all zending delegates, except for one who had become an assistant pastor, were handed over to the GPI, while the 'penulung' or 'helpers' received the status of indigenous priests (inlands leraar). Thus, only schools and zending teachers (including congregational teachers), teacher education schools, and printing presses have not changed their status and are still managed and financed by the NZG [17].
Before the surrender of Christian congregations to the Indische Kerk, the two groups (the Jama'at teacher and the Bible teacher) continued to work together according to their respective duties. However, the problem was with the church teachers due to the handover of NZG's responsibilities to the Indische Kerk. Because, in their status as zending school teachers, they are indeed free from the authority of the Indische Kerk, but as church teachers, they must submit to the church's rules.
From the above NZG era narratives about "the church teacher and the gospel teacher." It can be shown that informal education in Zendeling's home, the student system, and foster care all contributed to the initial formation of these two groups. Furthermore, zending school teachers, who also double as congregational teachers, are produced through teacher education schools (Kweekschool). Meanwhile, gospel teachers, better known as gospel assistants, through evangelism courses, which after being closed, reopened during the Indische Kerk era, with an increased status to STOVIL. These changes caused dissatisfaction on the part of the zending teachers and church teachers, so they demanded an improvement in the quality and rights of the Indische Kerk Management.

The Existence of Congregational Teachers and Gospel Teachers in the Indische Kerk. era
In 1882, handing over Christian congregations in Minahasa from NZG to the Indische Kerk was considered complete. This means that Protestant Christians in Minahasa, in their church life, are also included in a structure characterized by colonial behaviour. Because the church (Indische Kerk) was closely related to the Dutch East Indies government, this manifested itself, among other things, through the expenses incurred to finance the church, such as salaries. At the same time, in terms of the management structure of the Indische Kerk reflected the hierarchical structure of the colonial government. Within that structure, the Governing Body (Kerkbestuur), based in Batavia, governed the entire church, especially regarding the appointment and transfer of staff (priests and assistant pastors) (Locker, 1948) [18].
A change in church organization also applies in Minahasa. Ch. De Jonge wrote in 1987 that when church leadership changes, the pastor of the Dutch congregation in Manado, who is also the pastor of the Indische Kerk, becomes the head of the church in Minahasa. This is because the pastor of the Indische Kerk is also the pastor of the Dutch congregation in Manado (predikantvoorzitter). The former evangelist becomes the assistant pastor (hulpprediker). Indonesian labor, previously called 'penulung' or ' hulpzendeling, 'in this new structure, is called Inlands Leraar (guru, i.e., teachers of the Bible in the country). They are all civil servants who are paid their salaries from the State Treasury and are included in the staffing structure of the Indische Kerk, headed by Kerkbestuur [19].
From the changes in structure and at the same time the increase in church staffing status above, one group, namely teachers and congregational teachers at zending schools, is not included. The problem is that these schools and their teachers have not been handed over to the Indische Kerk when the Christian congregations are handed over to the Indische Kerk. However, there are obstacles in carrying out their duties, especially the church teacher with Inlands Leraar. Congregational teachers, in school assignments, are independent of the church. However, in congregational settings, they must work as subordinates to Inlands Leraar. This issue was even more challenging to overcome. The Inlands Leraar recruitment by the Indische Kerk shifted away from older and more seasoned teachers to exceptional education graduates from the domestic Bible teacher education school in Tomohon (Jonge, 1987) [20].
The problem here is not where the prospective Bible teachers are recruited from. However, the problem is the status because that position is an office in the church structure. Automatically those who enter the group get paid for their work, which is much greater than expected-obtained by teachers and church teachers. In this situation of fighting for each other's interests, it is unavoidable that many church teachers see Inlands Leraar as accomplices of the colonial government through their churches. At the same time, they claim to be representatives of Christians in Minahasa, which is deeply rooted in congregations, not in the structure of a 'staffing church' (Jonge, 1987) [21].
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Bible teachers, which Indische Kerk called Inlands Leraar, had not yet been given the freedom and responsibility to carry out church duties independently. This right was only permitted in 1916 to Inlands Leraar. Ten years later, in 1926, the same privilege to church teachers [22]. This right was given after the teachers had organized themselves in the "Pangkal Setia" union to fight for their interests.
The conflicts between the teachers and the leadership of the Indische Kerk became even more acute when the plan to convert state schools to zending schools failed. The conversion plan was motivated by financial problems due to the swelling of the state treasury financing. Still, it was rejected by some people who worried about the quality of the zending schools. This refusal was supported by indigenous priests who feared losing their position [23]. At that time, 55 government schools in Minahasa and Sangir-Talaud were converted into district schools. Another five schools were handed over to the NZG on 1 January 1914 [24]. Here, the group's interest factor plays a significant role, so the plan to give more rights to teachers by converting public schools did not materialize.
There are also church obligations and regulations from the Indische Kerk, which make zending teachers, and church teachers feel pressured in church activities. First, the accountability is based on the conclusion of Commission XII's November 29, 1927 conference, which determined that instructors who work as teachers in congregations are accountable to their workplace pastors. The Commission on 26 November 1927 in Tomohon by H. Kraemer and Slotemaker de Bruine. These two figures came to Minahasa as representatives of the NZG board and the Indische Kerk board. In an extraordinary meeting with zending teachers to discuss church issues that have caused social tensions in Minahasa (Pangkal Setia Magazine, 1927).
The stipulations related to this obligation, namely, congregations with 800 members and below, can be served by teachers. In contrast, congregations with more than 800 souls remain in the ministry of Inlands Leraar, and teachers in that congregation continue to work as regular members. Furthermore, a church teacher who is appointed and does not have a teacher's school diploma can continue to work until he asks to quit (Madjalah PIKAT, 1932; Suak, 1992).
In the commission's decision above, there appear to be restrictions on the duties and authority of zending teachers and church teachers in the church's life. However, the decision is still within reasonable limits because church teachers and teachers on duty at school may be free from the Indische Kerk. Still, in this case, the congregation must report to the pastor in their working area. This is because the church or congregation has been transferred to the Indische Kerk responsibilities. With this decision, there seems to be a balance between the two conflicting parties, namely the https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202214902009 , 02009 (2022) SHS Web of Conferences 149 ICSS 2022 church teaches and Inlands Leraar, to assign tasks and responsibilities to them. However, why did the balance occur in that decision? The explanation is that representatives of church instructors and teachers, as well as Zendeling, who sympathizes with their fight, continue to serve on the commission, including JU Mangowal, Tiekstra, J. Jacobus, and Taloemepa.
This was different from the 'congregational assembly regulations,' which had been accepted at Batavia's Great Meeting of the Indische Kerk in 1930. The church's structure is the most fundamental difference in the regulation from the previous situation. The law stipulates that only congregations with an assistant pastor or an Inlands Leraar are considered whole congregations. In contrast, congregations led by a church teacher are called "bijgemeente" (dependent congregations). They signify their dependence on the congregation led by Inlands Leraar, which owns the resort where the congregation is located. The bijgemeente assembly was not chaired by the church teacher because, in that regulation, it was changed. Instead, each assembly is chaired by an introduction to the congregation at that place, regardless of status. In addition, each congregation elects its assembly for a limited time (de Vreede, 1935;Jonge, 1987).
The new regulation shows two crucial things relating to church teachers and gospel teachers (who have entered Inlands Leraar). First, the church teacher's job depended on Inlands Leraar and the congregation's introduction. They had not yet completed their terms of office to join Inlands Leraar. Second, the abolition status of the church teacher, who since the NZG era has automatically become the head of the church at his place of duty. On the other hand, the new regulation elevates the status of Inlands Leraar and the congregants in the eyes of the congregation it serves. Issue of this conflict, based on the 1930 church assembly regulation. The Indische Kerk management in Minahasa intended to create the two groups (congregational teachers and Bible teachers). to conflict with each other to cover up the main target of the conflict, namely the demand for autonomy church to the Indische Kerk.
The struggle of the group of teachers and congregational teachers never subsided amid the injustices the Indische Kerk had done to them. On the contrary, they continue to establish cooperative relationships with retirees and the Minahasa political elite, to unite to create an autonomous church in Minahasa. Before the peak of the conflict, the comparison of the number of Inlands Leraar with zending teachers and congregational teachers in Minahasa can be described as follows.
An overview of the development of church teachers and congregants, especially Inlands Leraar, based on statistics from 1932 (Zendingsstatistiek, 1932), up to 1941 (AL Franz and MC Jongeling, in the GMIM Archives, 1937; Handboek, 1939;Stastiek Data in 1928-1941, in which there are some notable changes. From the introductory group, there remained two "full" pastors from the Netherlands, one in Manado and one in Tomohon (who later became chairman of the synod in 1934  (Handboek, 1939), which were GMIM tools.
It becomes apparent from the preceding statistics on church teachers and Inlands Leraar. Some changes must be explained, most notably the growth in the number of Inlands Leraar from 44 in 1932 to 120 in 1940. That means, for eight years, an average increase of 15 people per year, or 12,5% per year. The amount of this increase can be interpreted from two aspects, as follows. First, the increase means that every year STOVIL graduates are immediately included in the ranks of Inlands Leraar. Secondly, the increase in the number can be taken from teachers who have long served in zending schools. This could have happened because there was a competition between the GMIM and KGPM groups regarding service personnel at the height of the conflict. The decision of the Commission XII Meeting, dated November 29, 1927, was published in PIKAT. Magazine [34]. However, what is interesting to ask is that the data on the increase, which is stated as a member of the Indische Kerk church, then GMIM, is already valid. When there was a conflict, didn't some of Inlands Leraar and the church teacher become KGPM activists? Some church teachers and members of their congregations claim to be members of the KGPM and reject the Indicshe Kerk (GMIM). However, because of the threat of transfer and dismissal of several teachers and KGPM activists, some people later returned to GMIM (BW Lapian, 1967). The statistical reports on the situation of these two groups tend to be politically motivated, namely wanting to give a picture as if there were massive changes. Specifically in the effort to provide bumiputras the authority to play a part in the church (GMIM), which the Kerkbestuur authorized in 1934 in Minahasa. The political reasons behind the report seem to be the basis for Ch. De Jonge, that "with an endless number of Dutch clergies. It indicates that Indonesian clergy, namely those authorized to administer the sacraments, are gaining importance in Minahasa. So, it can be argued that the corps pastor underwent "Indonesianization" in the early years of GMIM's history. This is what can prove that GMIM since 1934 has been increasingly independent" (De Jonge, 1987 for the struggle for church autonomy in Minahasa. Because whatever the Indische Kerk did in the GMIM in Minahasa, it still showed the dominance of the Dutch colonial political power in the church. Since GMIM was founded in 1934 until 1942, wasn't it still within the Indische Kerk environment, with the chairman of the synod still held by the Dutch priest until 1942? (Parengkuan, 1994). While the Minahasans, such as Ds. AZR Wenas, at that time, could only hold the position of deputy chairman II in the church synod.
The data is sufficient to provide an overview of the conditions at that time, namely the number of church teachers between 1932 and 1937, showing that the number decreased from the previous 427 people to 374 people. Due to the conflict, some church teachers and their congregation members switched to the KGPM environment. It happened a year before the formation of GMIM. Because of this, the number of church teachers decreased and increased again in 1939 and 1940. After threats against them by the Indische Kerk in Minahasa, some had to return to GMIM.
Thus, quantitative data on church teachers and Inlands Leraar in Minahasa, before and during the conflict, still illustrates Dutch colonial politics in the church. This is mainly related to the efforts to divide the Inlands Leraar group with the church teachers. However, this political pressure can only affect some people. At the same time, those who have been influenced by the insights of the Indonesian national movement refuse to return to the Indische Kerk environment. They must be fired from their duties and positions (Suak, 1992). This is the attitude of the intellectuals, who responded to the political pressure of the Indische Kerk with the insight of Indonesian national politics, which rejected Dutch interference in ecclesiastical affairs.

Conclusion
In the effort to bring in the missionaries, in 1827, GJ Hellendoorn arrived to work in Minahasa. Then by the government, he was placed as an official priest in Manado (1827-1839). He is known as a pioneer of evangelism in its truest sense in Minahasa. As a further result of efforts to bring in evangelists, in 1829, Zending decided to open a new field of evangelism in Minahasa. So that on June 12, 1831, Johann Friedrich Riedel and Johann Gottlieb Schwarz arrived in Minahasa, after receiving guidance from Pastor Kam, for a month in Ambon. Since the incident on June 12, every year in, Minahasa is commemorated as the day of evangelism.
After conducting an introduction to the assignment area, Riedel chose a place of assignment and a place to live in Tondano. Meanwhile, Schwarz chose Kakas as his place of service and residence in Langowan. Following these two figures, Zending sent another missionary so that by 1850, their number was ten.
The factors that led to the success of evangelism in Minahasa, among others, were the approach of the missionaries with several "tona'as" (village leaders) and "wali'an" (tribal religious leaders). The efforts in the field of education from Zending were intended as a foundation for the formation of churches. Schools are used as one of the tools of evangelism, and the most appropriate form of the congregation, through the functioning of schools as 'church nurseries. ' Due to the growing development of congregations and zending schools in Minahasa, the Zendelings try to educate indigenous children who can be used as school teachers, church teachers, and assistants. The term 'helpers' here refers to the natives, whom Zendeling adopted, educated under the custodial system, and then made 'helpers of the evangelists.' Zendeling 's 'custodial system' education, there were the first Minahasa evangelist assistants. First, Adrianus Angkow, from Sonder, was ordained by JG Schwarz in 1847 regarding the church's inauguration in Langowan. Then, following the first hulpzendeling (Gospel helper) from the Minahasa people, in 1856 in North Minahasa, specifically in Kema, a former teacher, W. Hehanusa, was appointed to be the assistant to the Evangelist. Finally, in 1857 another assistant, Alfianus Item, Riedel's loyal aide, was appointed.
As "Congregational Teacher and Bible Teacher," especially when the Protestant Christian congregations in Minahasa were transferred to the Indische Kerk NZG. There were differences in the treatment of these two groups. As a result, there was a conflict because of the emergence of new "church regulations," which were seen as detrimental. Because of the new regulation, two crucial things can be seen, which are related to "congregational teachers and gospel teachers" (who have entered Inlands Leraar). First, the position of the church teacher was made contingent on Inlands Leraar and the congregation's introduction. This is because they had not yet begun their term of office to join Inlands Leraar's ranks. Second, the abolition of the church teacher's status, who since the NZG era has automatically become the head of the church at his place of duty.
On the other hand, the new regulation elevates the status of Inlands Leraar and the congregants in the eyes of the congregation it serves. Issue of this conflict, based on the 1930 church assembly regulation. The management of the Indische Kerk in Minahasa intended to pit the two groups (congregational teachers and Bible teachers). Against one another to deflect attention from the actual issue, the Indische Kerk's desire for autonomy.
The struggle of the group of teachers and congregational teachers never subsided amid the injustices the Indische Kerk had done to them. They continue to establish cooperative relationships with retirees and the Minahasa political elite, to unite to create an autonomous church in Minahasa.
However, it can be said that NZG's work has not only been able to convert the Minahasa people to Christianity. However, it has also created an informal education "custodial system," followed by informal education. Efforts that are also supported by the use of the community's local culture who want to change in new things include, in this case, the education pursued by the zendeling. This allows the NZG's evangelism and education process to grow and develop quickly.