Optimality account of the decomposition of fricatives

¹ North-Eastern Federal University named after M.K. Ammosov, 58 Belinskogo st., Yakutsk, 677000, Russia
² North-Eastern Federal University named after M.K. Ammosov, 58 Belinskogo st., Yakutsk, 677000, Russia

^* Corresponding author: kiounnei1@yandex.ru

Abstract

This paper analyzes various cases of consonantal decomposition in interlanguage mapping within the framework of Optimality Theory. During the analyses, we argue that the preservation of the (major) place property takes the most crucial role in the segmental decomposition in interlanguage mapping. As for the Japanese adaptation of /f/ which is adapted as <h> (orthographically at least) lacking labiality, we posit this Japanese fricative as /ɸ/ [1] preserving the labiality and show the inviolability of the constraint Max-Place. Then we compare the indirect adaptation of the English /f/, i.e., via Anglo-Japanese /ɸ/, with the direct loan adaptation in Korean. In the indirect (old) adaptation, the labial fricative /ɸ/ is decomposed as the fricative /h/ and the labial vowel /u/ (or /w/) (e.g., /ɸɯri:/フリ → /huri/ ‘free’ 후리), while the direct (new) loan pattern shows the /f/ → /ph/ mapping (e.g., /p^hɨri/ ‘free’ 프리). Here we observe not only the inviolability of Max-Place but also the demotion of Ident[cont] at the level of direct loan adaptation. We thus claim that our current analysis supports the Stratal OT [2], regarding the levels of adaptation. As for the inviolability of Max-Place, we also discuss how the Russian /f/ is decomposed in the loan adaptation in Yakut (e.g., Fjodor → /syøder/ ‘male name’)